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Historic Food Preservation - Potted SalmonWild salmon culinary traditions -
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Toggle limited content width. Source: USDA FoodData Central. Raw salmon cured in salt, sugar, and dill. Usually served as an appetiser , sliced thinly and accompanied by hovmästarsås also known as gravlaxsås , a dill and mustard sauce, either on bread of some kind, or with boiled potatoes.
A creamy salmon soup consisting of salmon fillets, boiled potatoes and leeks , [9] [10] served hot with some dill. A side dish consisting of fresh tomato and salmon salad.
It was introduced to Hawaiians by early western sailors. It is always served cold. Other variations include salmon, diced tomato, diced cucumber , and chopped sweet onion.
A fillet that has been cured. In its most popular form, it is thinly sliced—less than 5 millimetres 0. Lox in small pieces is also often added and cooked into scrambled eggs, sometimes with chopped onion. Salmon that is frozen outdoors, sliced like sashimi , and served with soy sauce and water peppers.
A type of fishcake made mostly from salmon in the style of a hamburger. It is challenging to make and cook as the salmon requires a binder to make it stick together and is easy to overcook which makes it too dry. Appetiser prepared with fresh raw salmon and seasonings, commonly spread on a cracker or artisan style bread.
A preparation of salmon, typically a fillet that has been cured and then hot or cold smoked. Due to its moderately high price, smoked salmon is considered a delicacy.
Although the term lox is sometimes applied to smoked salmon, they are different products. Sliced raw salmon served with garnishes. Usually eaten by dipping in soy sauce and wasabi. Norway, [16] Japan. Sliced raw salmon rolled with rice and sometimes nori seaweed as makizushi or placed on top of rice as nigiri sushi , served with garnishes.
Hupa , Karuk , Yurok. Salmon smoked using fruitwood until cooked on the outside but raw on the inside, then canned and pressure cooked. Can be seasoned with red pepper and other seasonings. Filet of an Atlantic salmon Salmon filet as sold in supermarkets Poached salmon Salad with ham and smoked salmon Salmon in marinade Salmon teriyaki Grilling salmon Salmon for sale Salmon roe , sometimes called red caviar Salmon roe sushi Approximately 1.
Meat dishes Beef Chicken Fish Goat Lamb Pork Ham Seafood Veal Steaks Meatball Smoked foods Sausage. Africa Angolan Central African Republic Chadian Ethiopian and Eritrean Gabonese Libyan Moroccan Nigerian Nigerien Togolese Tunisian Western Saharan São Tomé and Príncipe Seychelles.
Breads American British Indian Pakistani Swiss. By cooking style Baked goods Twice-baked Casseroles Deep fried Smoked Steamed. A prayer was said before consumption, and fresh water was consumed after.
This was also done when it was preserved for storage. Coast Salish belief was that the chum salmon was one of five salmon groups that lived together under the sea in a grand house []. Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that the Indigenous Peoples knew very well.
The Spokane are reported to have caught coho salmon in large quantities []. Coho salmon is reported to have been available to the Southern Tutchone at Little Klukshu Lake [] and to the Yukon Indigenous Peoples along the Alsek River []. The fish is said to have been available to the south western coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia River [].
The Nuxalk had abundant supplies of coho in the Bella Coola River; the fish was a primary food source for them [, ]. Among the coast Salish, coho was available in Straits waters [], the Fraser, Lillooet, Quesnel Rivers, as well as the North Thompson and branches of Shuswap Lake [].
Spawning occurred in Black Lake []. They were born in fresh water, migrated to salt water early in life, and returned to fresh water to spawn then die []. Coho breeding occurred in Squamish streams that were connected to the ocean []. Coho was only available to the Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth in certain streams; they stayed in lower breeding areas during their first year, which enabled the Nootka to have fresh fish during the winter [].
It is reported that the Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw fished for coho towards the end of the fishing season [27]. In the following table, the ethnographic information is presented in a table format, to assist the reader.
Please see other salmon entries for alternate text presentations. The traps were adjustable depending on the height of the water. The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and become stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. The Thompson N'laka'pamux consumed pink salmon, also known as humpies and hump-backed salmon, when other salmon species were scarce [94].
The Lillooet did not originally have access to pink salmon, until the addition of fish ladders made the migration possible. This salmon was available to the Coast Salish in Saanich Inlet, Cowichan Bay, Georgia Strait, and in Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw areas, although amounts varied immensely from year to year [].
Because this type of salmon matures in its second year of life, there was usually a much larger run in odd-numbered years as compared to even. Pink salmon was more abundant along the coast, therefore the Middle Columbia River Salish acquired this fish via trade [].
They were available to the Northern Coast Salish during mid-July in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and would continue on to the southern shore of Vancouver Island, San Juan and Southern Gulf islands, Point Roberts, and the Fraser []. Once in the Fraser, the Halkomelem, Squamish, and some cultures from the Northern Straits came to fish.
Pink salmon was rare on the Chenalis and its branches, and was most likely not a native species of that area for the Southwestern Coast Salish []. It was available to the Coast Salish in large amounts in lower areas of the Fraser River, and some were also found in Seton and Nicola Rivers [].
Millions of pink salmon were reported to be available in these areas every odd-numbered year, with hardly any during even-numbered years. They were available from August through October, with the longest season occurring in lower areas of the Fraser River, and stopping at Bridge River.
Other reports stated that Brem Bay was the main location for fishing the first pink salmon run [], and that they were also available in Straits waters [].
Pink salmon is said to be the most important food source for the Straits people. It was sometimes available to St. Laurence Island Yupik []. It was reported that cultures from the northwest coast caught pink salmon from the Fraser River drainage [], and that the Thompson people consumed pink salmon at Nicola River [67].
Pink salmon was available to the Coast Tsimshian from late July to early August [91]. It was available to the Bella Coola Nuxalk from August through September [], and during the spring and summer in another report [].
A small run was available to the people of Nuiqsut in beginning in August [], whereas it was reported to be available to the Squamish every two years during the month of September []. The Katzie Coast Salish had a salmon run that began later in July, with spawning occurring in September in most small streams [].
Availability for the Tahltan was during the summer, where it was welcomed after the winter months []. Pink salmon was available to the Tanaina during the summer at Cook Inlet [], and to Port Simpson Indigenous People during the summer [].
The Eyak fished for pink salmon from early May until November []. It was available every second year to the Shuswap; it was consumed during times of famine, but was not a preferred fish because its meat was too soft by the time it reached their up river fishing grounds [].
Pink salmon was not as available to the Southern Coast Salish as were other species []. Kyuquot were reported not to be fond of pink salmon [].
It was consumed by the Tlingit, although it was less preferred than other species []. The Northern and Central Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth run was quite small, and therefore not as important as other salmon [].
In contrast, it was considered a primary food source for the Nuxalk, and was available to them along the Bella Coola River from late May through mid-July []. It was also considered the most important food source for the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, and was available from late June to early August, with the largest amount in mid July [].
Spawning occurred in all of the branches around Prince William Sound from late July to September. Various fishing techniques were employed to catch pink salmon. Among the Tahltan, pink salmon was caught using weirs made from spruce and red willow whites, as well as a gaff with a pole and detachable hook made from caribou antler or iron later on [].
A ban on the use of weirs was implemented at the beginning of the 20th century, but was lifted towards the end of the century. Cylindrical basket-like traps, spears, and hand nets were also used, as well as gill nets, which were notably used during the weir ban.
Tahltan men were responsible for the fishing. Lillooet occasionally fished for pink salmon using gill nets []. The Central Coast Salish fished for pink salmon during the summer at summer camps [25].
The Mount Currie Lillooet used gill nets to catch pink salmon [7]. Each village possessed a trap along the Bella Coola River, with no other village permitted to fish from any other. Another report described the use of weirs to catch pink salmon []. The Coast Salish used nets to catch fish in the Fraser River [].
Prior to the twentieth century, pink salmon was caught by the Tanaina using weirs, basket traps, dip nets, and sometimes spears made from antlers with a single barb and detachable head []. The twentieth century brought gill nets, which replaced all other methods, with seining, set and drift nets also employed.
Men fished, whereas women cut and dried the catch. Tlingit presumably caught pink salmon using traps that were rectangular in shape, and made of wood, which were put in weirs with a V-shape or in fences with the tip pointing upstream []. Tlingit men were also reported to have most likely caught pink salmon using spears that were feet long [].
In earlier times the point was made from bone; later on it was made from iron with numerous barbs on the tip. The salmon trap was the most often used, with a fence put up across a stream with a few openings holding baskets upstream.
This technique was also done quite often at La Perouse at Lituya Bay. The Chilkat used traps with a funnel shape to catch pink salmon []. The Haida caught these fish in tidewater traps, in weir-trap systems set in streams, as well as with harpoons [].
The Northern Coast Salish were thought to have caught pink salmon at the beginning of breeding areas using basketry traps and weirs, as well as gaff hooks, tidal traps and harpoons with either single or double shafts [].
Trawl and dip nets were used from canoes throughout July, and later on, dip nets were used from platforms. Northern Straits and Vancouver Island Clallam people used reef nets attached to two canoes with anchor lines to emulate the reef.
When the salmon run was at its peak, one net could catch several thousand fish per day. In the San Juan and Gulf Islands area, the Coast Salish caught pink salmon using reef nets attached to two canoes, whereas in lower Fraser River areas, trawl nets were used, either connected to two poles each held by a man in a canoe, or connected to a series of floats and sinkers and attached to two lines held by men in canoes [].
Around the Fraser Canyon area, rougher currents required dip nets. Another report stated that the Coast Salish used a single-pronged harpoon, with a point made from deer antler or bone and two barbs made from Douglas fir tied down with wild cherry bark twine []. A river weir-trap system was presumably used in rivers, while men threw rocks at the fish so they entered the weir trap.
Once caught, they were taken by hand, by gaff hook, or by spear. A tidal weir was presumably used in small bays. It can be presumed that the Katzie Coast Salish caught pink salmon later into autumn using spears, dip nets, weirs, medium trawl nets, harpoons, and gaffs [].
Weirs were built and operated by families, but when they had caught a sufficient supply, they allowed the salmon to swim further up river. If someone came and asked to catch fish at their weir, the family would put the weir back into place.
Harpoons were used in more shallow waters, and had either one or two tips and shafts. The shaft was made from either fir or cedar. Gaffs were made from yew wood, and were used from canoes in deeper water or from the edge of smaller bodies of water.
It was reported that among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, fishing post rights were not required, due to the abundance of fish found in the Copper River [].
Many cultures fished at the Point Whitshed and Mountain Slough fishing posts, whereas some people stayed back at the main compounds to fish. Fishing was the responsibility of the men. In earlier times, Port Simpson Indigenous People caught pink salmon in streams using spears and in the ocean using gill nets, beach seines, traps, and by trolling [].
In later times, the fish was caught by trolling, or by using gill nets and seine nets. In June, the Ingalik set up an foot trap at the principal fishing site on a major stream []. Tahltan women were responsible for pink salmon preparation [].
Fish heads were considered a choice part, and were consumed fermented along with salmon roe. The heads were stored in the ground protected by branches and leaves, and roe was stored in a bark vessel; both were kept in a pit over a few days.
Fresh salmon and its roe were braised wrapped in bark, and fish was boiled in birch bark containers using hot rocks. It was also consumed fresh or its flesh was smoke-dried on a rack while the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick. The fish was stored frozen, and dried fish was stored in a cache packed with bark.
Storage related activities were performed by everyone. Special care was taken to ensure that the fish was not contaminated with fly eggs. It was believed that salmon preparation knives were made by Tahltan women from obsidian, and later on from steel.
Pink salmon parts that were not consumed by people included mostly bony parts, and were given to the dogs. Specifically, fish heads were considered a choice part for human consumption, while mostly bony parts were given to the dogs.
Another report stated that the Tahltan simply consumed pink salmon fresh []. Natives from Southeast Alaska Tlingit consumed pink salmon fresh and boiled, with seal or ooligan oil, as well as it was preserved by cooking it with berries known as kaneegwal []. Every individual had their own way of cutting the salmon before smoking that was so unique that a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card.
Smoked salmon was consumed as is or was soaked in seawater, and could also be preserved for a long time. The fish were slit, dried by the sun, smoked, and baled; this was done by women, with the help of men and slaves. In addition, grease was obtained by Tlingit from fish heads.
It was reported that certain Tlingit women held a high level of status within the community, presumably due to their control over salmon, which was a key source of sustenance. Tlingit women were also reported to prepare the salmon by taking the tails, fins and heads off of its body, cutting the remaining flesh open and draping it onto a piece of wood in the shape of a triangle in a way that was easily cleaned [].
The meat was then hung to be dried skin side down, shielded from adverse weather. If it was too wet, the meat was dried inside and when needed, over a fire.
Once dried, the salmon was piled and tied in bunches to be stored. Northwest Coast cultures stored pink salmon eggs underground in a cavity lined with maple leaves, leaving them to ferment over two months [14].
They were then consumed as is, or as part of a soup. The Central Coast Salish dried pink salmon for preservation on racks that were placed outside [25]. Dried fish was usually consumed with oil by the people of the Northwest Coast.
The Tsimshian dried pink salmon for storage [80]. Puget Sound Indigenous People consumed pink salmon fresh, or split the body open before it was dried []. Its eggs were considered a delicacy. The largest pink salmon caught by the Bella Coola was reported to be eight pounds. Another report showed that they smoked their meat for winter storage [].
Another report stated that they roasted pink salmon [27]. The Gitksan used pink salmon to extract oil by soaking and boiling the heads [28]. Among the Northern Coast Salish, pink salmon was dried outside, or the oil was extracted, and it was dried by smoke when caught in late summer [].
The Nootka consumed the fish fresh, smoked, dried, or canned []. Women prepared the fish to be smoked for winter storage: it was stretched using thin pieces of red cedar made by the men, and hung on the smoking racks using a similar stick.
It was smoked for a week like this over a fire of alder wood, after which it was piled and dried further by heat, and then tied up using rope made from cedar bark. It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because an excess of smoke would turn the salmon black.
If the eggs were whole when first collected they were dried in the smoke house by hanging them from a rack and rotating them every day. This caused the eggs to be hard on the outside but not on the inside, and so they were not cooked before being consumed.
They were tied to each other with rope made from cedar bark or from stinging nettles. Among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, women prepared and smoked the fish []. In earlier times, pink salmon was prepared by Port Simpson Indigenous People by baking, roasting, steaming, barbecuing, or boiling it using hot stones.
In later times, instead of steaming the fish, it was fried. Salmon eggs were consumed either raw, boiled, or fermented []. When fermented, they were cleaned, put into a cedar box on top of a layer of skunk cabbage, buried, and left for a month and a half. The Eyak most likely prepared pink salmon by cutting it open and smoking it [].
Coast Salish belief stated that the pink salmon was one of five salmon groups to live together in a grand house under the sea []. Each group had its own spawning locations, as well as characteristic activities that were considered common knowledge to the natives.
It was believed by the Tlingit that menstruating or pregnant women were not allowed to go near fishing runs, so as not to insult the salmon []. In addition, to ensure the fish would return, it was important to either put the fish waste back into the water, or to burn it.
It was reported that sockeye salmon was consumed by the Coast Salish, but not by the Squamish, Slaiman, Klahuse, and Nanaimo [49]. It has been an important source of food along the Fraser River among cultures of the Northwest Coast, and later on, it was exploited for commercial purposes [].
The Thompson of British Colombia mainly fished for sockeye in the Thompson River [94]. Sockeye was available to the Coast Salish in Saanich Inlet, Cowichan Bay, Georgia Strait, and in Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw area, although amounts varied immensely from year to year [].
The Kyuquot caught sockeye salmon in July [], whereas the Southern Okanagan caught and consumed it from May until August []. The Central Coast Salish fished sockeye salmon during the summer at summer camps [25]. Lillooet fished for sockeye late summer and fall [7, 65], and cultures from the Alaska Plateau fished during September [55].
Sockeye was one of the most important sources of food for the Ahtna, and was available to them beginning in June [61]. The Coast Tsimshian had sockeye available from mid June until October, depending on the region [91].
Southwest Alaskan Yupik fished sockeye salmon in summer []. Sockeye was also an important source of food for the Lillooet and Shuswap, who fished in late July until late August [3].
The sockeye run was available to the Bella Coola Nuxalk for two weeks during the month of July []. This salmon species declined dramatically in numbers at the beginning of the 20th century.
It is reported that the Oowekeeno traded sockeye salmon for vegetable-source foods with neighbouring cultures [78]. The Quileute traded for sockeye from the Quinault [87].
The Kyuquot are reported to have used mainly nets, as well as traps, weirs, gill nets or trolls []. Spearing was considered a more traditional fishing method, but its use had slowly disappeared.
Fishing was an important commercial activity, and was mostly done by men, with women sometimes participating. The community chief had first choice among the catches. Among the Tahltan, sockeye was economically the most important species because it was fished for commerce [].
It was caught by men, using weirs made from spruce and red willow whites, although the use of weirs was forbidden at the beginning of the 20th century. Gill nets were used notably during the weir ban, which was lifted towards the later part of the century.
In shallow waters, a gaff was used that was attached to a pole with a detachable hook made of caribou antler and later iron. Hand nets, spears, and cylindrical basket traps were also used.
They moved to a permanent fishing village on the Stikine Plateau to take full advantage of the sockeye season. The Tutchone used traps and clubs to catch sockeye salmon [], whereas the Lillooet used hand and gill nets [].
It was also reported that Mount Currie Lillooet used gill nets, and that sockeye salmon was the principal salmon species to be fished in the area [7]. Another report of the Lillooet stated that they fished for sockeye at waterfalls by fishing teams, using dip nets [65]. Sockeye salmon was caught by Kwakiutl men by trolling, unless the fish was white, then it was speared [22].
Northwest Coast cultures caught salmon using nets [14], and Coast Salish from the Fraser River used a net attached to two canoes [49]. The biggest fish reported was around ten pounds.
Because this type of salmon moved in dense schools along the same paths every year towards the Fraser River, the Coast Salish caught sockeye using reef nets that were only used by Straits cultures [].
Kyuquot women carried out most of the cooking, although they were not exclusively the cooks of sockeye []. They cooked salmon over a fire using a stick, or on a hot coal. Sockeye salmon was consumed fresh, baked, boiled, or smoked either fresh or preserved , and could be stored for later use.
Care was taken to ensure the fish was not contaminated with fly eggs. It was also dried or jarred, and was the preferred type of salmon for canning.
Knives with obsidian blades later on made from steel that were presumably made by women were used for salmon butchering. Fish heads were considered a choice part. Fleshy portions were smoke-dried on a rack whereas the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick.
The dried fish was then stored for later used in a cache that was packed with bark; these storage related activities were performed by everyone in the community.
Fresh salmon and its roe was wrapped in bark then braised; fish was also boiled in birch bark containers using hot stones. Salmon head and salmon roe were also consumed fermented, a preparation technique that involved storing them over a few days; the heads were put in the ground covered by branches and leaves, whereas the roe were put in a bark vessel.
Tutchone women were also responsible for fish preparation []. A steel knife was used for butchering, with specific cutting techniques used for male and female sockeye salmon. A male fish head was consumed either boiled or roasted, or was occasionally given to the dogs.
Care was taken to protect the fish from rain and sun, insect eggs were taken off the fish as they were found, and meat broth was used to distract insects from drying salmon.
Each family possessed a smokehouse, which was at times shared with extended family members. It was normally made from wood, but later on more modern material such as plastic was incorporated into the structure. Within the smokehouse, humid wood, preferably alder, was used to make either a central fire, or several smaller fires.
Dried salmon was kept for up to three years, and was consumed either with no further processing, soaked, or boiled in a stew. Food was stored in a raised log cache supported by wooden pillars.
The oldest pieces given to the dogs, these pieces were cut differently than when intended for human consumption. Sockeye salmon was the preferred fish for smoking by the Natives of Southeast Alaska Tlingit , but they also consumed it as is, soaked in sea water, fried, half-dried, dried, or roasted [].
It was also sometimes consumed boiled fresh with seal or ooligan oil. Salmon heads were consumed fermented, boiled or baked, and salmon roe was also consumed, as is or fermented.
Larger eggs were consumed poached, with black seaweeds and seal or ooligan oil. Every community member had his own method of cutting salmon before smoking, so that a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card, since the cut was so unique.
Kwakiutl women prepared sockeye salmon on mats [22]. The specific cutting procedure used depended on what the salmon was used for.
White sockeye salmon was dried under the sun; it was not smoked. Dried sockeye was prepared by soaking for several days before it was boiled, and accompanied with oil. Alternatively, it was roasted on the fire and dipped in oil. Boiled salmon was served as an ordinary meal with family, and was also accompanied with oil.
The Kwakiutl also consumed sockeye salmon roe. The Gitksan Gitxsan prepared sockeye by drying, smoking or fermenting it in birch bark envelopes packed in cedar containers [28]. Fermented roe was consumed as cheese, and was sometimes mixed with salmon flesh before being fermented.
Food poisoning from a fermented roe mixture was unknown until canning was introduced. Northwest Coast cultures around Masset Inlet dried sockeye salmon [14]. The Central Coast Salish dried sockeye on outside racks at summer fishing camps. This fish was preferred because it was fattier and therefore lasted longer [25, ].
It was reported that the high fat content of this fish allowed for better preserving, and that dried fish was usually consumed with oil. Lillooet dried sockeye to make a pemmican-like preserve that was mixed with Saskatoon berries and salmon oil; the dried fish was also traded with other cultures; the fish was also smoked [7, 65].
Among Lillooet and Shuswap, sockeye was an important dried fish, but was eventually replaced by chinook salmon [3]. The first sockeye of the season were normally not dried, but may instead have been consumed fresh or preserved by canning, salting, or freezing. People of the Yukon were reported to have consumed sockeye either cooked or dried [78].
The Kwakiutl roasted sockeye [27], while the Tsimshian dried it for storage [80]. To extract its oil, people of the Fraser Valley let sockeye salmon to decay in the sun; the oil was then stored in bladders of different animals [].
Puget Sound Indigenous People consumed sockeye fresh, and split the body open before it was dried []. The Nuxalk dried, roasted or smoked the fish in fillets.
They made a slit down the back to remove the backbone and tail [, ]. Salted sockeye salmon was used by the Kyuquot to attract trout, and sockeye roe were used as bait []. The people of the Fraser Valley used sockeye heads as lures or torches [].
A first salmon ceremony was carried out by lower Lillooet communities upon the arrival of sockeye salmon in the river; the fish was prepared according to particular rituals []. As a traditional practice among Mount Currie Lillooet, a feast was prepared to commemorate the first sockeye of the salmon run: the fish was boiled by an older man according to custom [7].
Once the fish were consumed, the bones were returned to the river. Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, namely the East Sanetch, Comox and West Sanetch, held a first salmon ceremony exclusively for the sockeye []. Among the Coast Salish, it was believed that the sockeye salmon was one of five salmon groups that lived together under the sea in a grand house [].
Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that were common knowledge to all members of the Coast Salish community. Chinook salmon, also known as spring salmon, has been considered a primary food source for the Nuxalk [, ] and the Straits people [].
The chinook salmon run was quite small for the Northern and Central Nootka Nuu-chah-nulth , and was thus not as important as other fish []. The main fishing period was from May to June, but the fish was harvested into the month of September.
The Southern Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw and Nuxalk fished for chinook salmon in August [13], whereas people from the Fraser Valley harvested during spring []. It is reported elsewhere that the Nuxalk also fished from March through mid-May, with the largest catch being in April [, ].
The Bella Coola Nuxalk are also reported to have fished for chinook salmon from May to September [, ]. The Squamish fished during July and August []. Chinook salmon was available to the Coast Salish from late February through November, with the longest season occurring in lower areas of the Fraser River [].
A key salmon season for the Northern and Central Nootka was the fall, but fishing for this fish sometimes began earlier than this, occurring in mid to end of summer in some rivers [].
This fish was available to Port Simpson Indigenous People Tsimshian all year round in the ocean []. People of the Northwest Coast trolled for chinook salmon in winter, whereas the Central Coast Salish fished in fall [25].
This fish begins in fresh water, migrates to salt water early in life and then returns to fresh water to spawn [].
It is reported to have been available to the Squamish in the Squamish and Cheakamus Rivers []. Chinook salmon was abundant in the Bella Coola River for the Nuxalk [, ]. The Katzie Coast Salish found chinook salmon in the Fraser - spawning of this fish occurred in September in Pitt Lake [].
Among the Kyuquot, fishing was an important commercial activity, and was mostly done by men, with women sometimes participating [].
The main harvesting techniques used nets, traps, weirs, gill nets; trolling was also popular. Spearing was considered a more traditional fishing method, whose use has slowly disappeared.
The Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk trolled for salmon from canoes, with a line attached to their paddle, with a stone attached to the line to keep the bait at the correct depth and a sharp bone as a hook [13].
The Lillooet from Mount Currie used gillnets to catch salmon [7], whereas the Kwakiutl used lines as late as the s [26]. The Carrier speared salmon directly from the river [45], whereas the Coast Salish from Fraser River used a net attached to two canoes [49].
People of the Fraser Valley used spears to catch chinook salmon []. Kwakiutl and Nuxalk were also known to use spears [13]. Lillooet and Shuswap fished for chinook salmon from platforms that belonged to the person who built it, and that were torn down once the run was finished [3].
By the s these platforms were no longer used, replaced by gill nets made from milkweed. Dip nets were also used. They were then caught in a basket trap.
Each village possessed a trap on the Bella Coola River, from which no other village was allowed to fish. Chinook salmon were reported to weight from pounds, with the heaviest seen at pounds. It was reported elsewhere that the Bella Coola used weirs to catch chinook salmon [].
Once the fishing run was in full force, Coast Salish men and boys gathered wood and fished, using traps, spears, and nets []. In shallow and clear water, a weir or fence was installed across the water, with men standing on a platform above to catch the fish with nets.
It was also reported that they caught salmon in the Straits by trolling, and in the Fraser using nets []. It was reported elsewhere that in lower Fraser River areas, trawl nets were used, either connected to two poles each held by a man in a canoe, or connected to a series of floats and sinkers and attached to two lines held by men in canoes [].
The Coast Salish were reported to use a trolling line made from stinging nettle and a U-shaped hook made from hollowed out deer shin bone []. Spring salmon could also be caught using a single-pronged harpoon with a point made from deer antler or bone, with two barbs made from Douglas fir tied down with wild cherry bark twine.
A weir-trap system was presumably used in rivers: men threw rocks at the fish to make them enter the weir-trap, and once caught, they were taken by hand, by gaff, or by spear. It can be presumed that later into autumn, the Katzie Salish used spears, dip nets, weirs, medium trawl nets, harpoons, and gaffs to catch chinook salmon [].
Weirs were built and operated by families and were left in place until a sufficient supply had been caught. If an individual requested to catch fish at their weir, the family would put it back into the river.
Harpoons either with one or two tips and shafts were used in shallow waters. The Northern and Central Nootka used harpoons and traps to catch spring []. Traps were positioned at the beginning of the river, and later were moved into the river. After the main run was over, the harpoon became the preferred fishing tool.
Men fished by foot or canoe, depending on how big the river was. If harpooning from a canoe, the harpooner positioned himself in the stern. When he harpooned a fish it was handed to his steering partner who brought the fish into the canoe and clubbed it. Salmon spearing has been considered a commonplace activity rather than a skill or luck since it was taught from a very early age.
To increase visibility, northern cultures draped a robe of cedar bark over their head and outstretched arm to create a patch of shade over the water, whereas central tribes claimed a rain hat was sufficient.
Both cultures trolled for salmon using large, sharp hooks with herring bait on them. Because chinook salmon fed on herring, they eventually became available during the herring runs.
A fisherman was finished fishing when he had caught enough for his family, with the exception of when the chief was preparing a feast. In previous years Port Simpson Indigenous People caught salmon using spears made either from spruce or hemlock with a sharp tip, or from cast iron [].
They also caught fish by trolling in a canoe or boat, or by using tidal traps made from sticks. In later times, they caught salmon by trolling, using seine nets, gill nets, and by using a fishing rod and reel.
Among various preparation techniques used, the Nootka and Quileute cooked chinook salmon flesh on a rack over a fire that was seasoned with salal leaves and covered with cedar branches []. Another report stated that the Nootka consumed chinook salmon fresh, smoked, dried, or canned [].
Puget Sound Indigenous People are reported to have consumed black salmon fresh, or split open and dried. Its eggs were considered a delicacy []. Kyuquot women carried out most of the cooking, although it was not done by them exclusively []. It was also dried, canned or jarred.
Gitksan Gitxsan women prepared chinook salmon, using traditional cutting tools made from stone, bone, or shell [28]. The Gitksan consumed chinook salmon heads, which were skewered and roasted over a fire, or were also used to obtain oil by being soaked and then boiled.
Care was taken to ensure that the salmon was not damaged by insect eggs, burning from the sun, improper hanging or cutting, etc. Among cultures from the Northwest Coast, special cutting techniques were used to make sure the fish would dry faster to prevent mould [14].
The Central Coast Salish smoked the fish for preservation indoors, usually in smokehouses [25]. Ownership of smokehouses had important social bearing. Chinook salmon was dried for storage by the Tsimshian [80].
It was reported that chinook salmon was the only fish dried by people from the Fraser Valley []. Salmon roe was also dried, or allowed to ferment, buried underground, packed in maple leaves or stored in bags. Dried roe was rehydrated by soaking or boiling before being consumed, whereas fermented roe was boiled in a soup or consumed as is.
Lillooet and Shuswap did not share their catches, and consumed chinook salmon fresh [3]. This type of salmon replaced sockeye as a source of dried salmon. Special care was taken to ensure flies did not infest the fish, as the drying process took longer than usual due to the higher fat content.
The Bella Coola roasted salmon over a fire using tongs for immediate consumption or for preservation []. They also dried it without bones and with skin intact, with bones still attached, or with no bones or skin.
White chinook salmon was slit open at the throat, the head was pushed back, the belly was cut open and cleaned. It is also reported that fish heads were prepared by slitting them at the throat.
It is reported elsewhere that the Bella Coola smoked salmon or roasted it over a fire []. The Bella Coola are also reported to smoke salmon fillets for winter storage []. Coast Salish women prepared chinook salmon by drying it over smoking fires, then storing it in packages or woven baskets [].
It is reported elsewhere that they smoked salmon in smokehouses [], and that they consumed the fish fresh or dried []. The meaty portion was cut into smaller pieces, stretched using small pieces of red cedar, and hung over a smoking rack to be smoked over a fire of alder wood.
This was left for a week, then piled and dried further by heat, and tied up using rope made from cedar bark. It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because too much smoke would turn the salmon black. When complete, the smoked salmon was broken into smaller portions and boiled before being consumed.
The fattier portions of chinook salmon were cut into long, slender pieces and laid over a rack outside to be sun dried. This was either consumed directly, or was broken into smaller portions and boiled first. The Northern and Central Nootka did not dry chinook salmon [] and they forbade keeping salmon overnight without cooking it.
Among Port Simpson Indigenous People, preparation was done by women, and chinook salmon was boiled, stewed, roasted, baked, or fried [].
Its skin was cooked over the fire and consumed with oolichan grease. This was consumed with grease, and occasionally traded with other cultures for food.
In later times, the fish was jarred, frozen, canned, salted, or dried. This latter preparation technique involved cleaning the eggs, layering a cedar box with skunk cabbage and filling the box with eggs, burying the box and leaving it for a month and a half.
In later times, people prepared this meal and stored it in a cool place in jars. It was prepared very carefully because there had been reported cases of food poisoning.
This meal was only made in either the fall or winter. Among the Squamish, once a fish was caught, the children transported each one very carefully using two cedar branches that supported the head and tail []. The fish were boiled in containers made from cedar, and everyone took part in the consumption of this initial feast.
The Lillooet used chinook salmon skin to store salmon oil [7]. Fermented roe was used by people of the Fraser Valley as medicine []. And the Indian people respect it accordingly. My strength is from the fish; my blood is from the fish, from the roots and berries.
The fish and game are the essence of my life. I was not brought from a foreign country and did not come here. I was put here by the Creator. Umatilla tribe bases land-management strategy on preserving foods. Tribal Salmon Culture Salmon are at the center of the diets, cultures, and religions of Columbia Plateau tribes.
Salmon Culture of the Pacific Northwest Tribes. Salmon are part of our spiritual and cultural identity. Over a dozen longhouses and churches on the reservations and in ceded areas still use salmon for their religious services.
The annual salmon return and its celebration by the tribes assure the renewal and continuation of human and all other life. Historically, we were wealthy peoples because of a flourishing trade economy based on salmon.
It Gluten-free sauces reported that salmon was a principal source of food for many cultures including Indigenous Peoples of the Northwest Plateau Wild salmon culinary traditions, Southern Okanagan tradtiions, Tlingit [, tradiitons, Carrier [, ], Southern British Columbia Time-restricted eating for better sleep Northern Washington Prehistoric periodincluding the Obsidian Gluten-free sauces Salmoon Charlotte Traditiins cultures of the Kwakiutl Kwakwaka'wakw area [85], Wild salmon culinary traditions and Traditiions [], Coast Salish Gluten-free sauces, ], Indigenous Medicinal Mushroom Tinctures of McLeod Culinaru and Stuart Lake [], Penobscot [], Han [], Inuit including Netchillirmiut, Central, Copper, Iglulik, Labrador and Western Greenland and Yupik Chugach, Nunivak [, ]. Among the Norton culture of North Alaska prehistoric periodsalmon is reported to have been the principal fish consumed [69]. It is reported that cultures from Southeastern Alaska consumed salmon as early as 1 BC [79] and cultures from the Northwest Coast began using salmon as food as early as 8 BC []. Salmon fishing was an important economic activity for the Malecite [18], and was one of the most important sources of food for the Shuswap, especially those in close proximity to the Fraser River and Canyon [4, 5]. Salmon was an important and reliable source of food for the Southwest Alaskan Yupik, who consumed several different species [, ]. Salmon, a prized Gluten-free sauces versatile fish, has been a staple in the Replenish clean skincare of various cultures for centuries. Its rich history and cilinary significance traeitions it Wild salmon culinary traditions fascinating culinar for exploration. From Gluten-free sauces indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest to the traditional cuisines of Scandinavia and Japan, salmon has played a central role in culinary traditions around the world. The preparation and cooking techniques of salmon have evolved over time, reflecting the diverse cultural influences that have shaped them. As we delve into the cultural exchange of salmon preparation techniques, we will uncover the historical roots, cross-cultural influences, and modern innovations that have contributed to the rich tapestry of salmon cuisine.
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